Winter Meeting 2023 Theme and Call for Papers Announced – Melanie Heath and Mary Osirim – Co-Presidents-Elect – Submission Deadline is September 25, 2022

Sexualities and Migrations in the Context of Global Justice

Thursday, January 12 – Sunday, January 15, 2023
New Orleans, LA

Co-Presidents-Elect, Melanie Heath and Mary Osirim

SUBMIT TODAY, Deadline to Submit is September 25, 2022 at 11:59 pm EDT

SUBMISSION FORM

Note that you must be a Current SWS Member to submit for the 2023 Winter Meeting

Pictured below, Melanie Heath on the left and Mary Osirim on the right.

Program Committee Members: Ophra Leyser-Whalen (Chair,) Pallavi Banerjee, Paulina García-Del Moral, Alexis Grant-Panting, Fumilayo Showers, Amy Stone

Local Arrangements Committee Members: Andrea S. (Drea) Boyles (Chair,) Lisa Wade, D’Lane Compton, Annie McGlynn-Wright

Sheraton New Orleans
We have secured a rate of $179 per night (plus applicable state and local taxes).

Hotel Room Reservation System

Theme and Call for Papers: The 2023 Winter Meeting will spotlight the theme of sexualities and migrations governed by global injustices. It will consider how movements between the Global South and North shape sexual identities in ways that do not necessarily depend on Western conceptions of the self but instead create a multiplicity of subjectivities. The intersections of migration, sexuality, and social justice in the context of globalizing processes necessitates challenging forms of knowledge and practices based on hierarchies of power that facilitate dominant Western discourses and neo-liberalism to assume universality. Likewise, nationality intersects with sexuality to create national norms that empower some political actors to marginalize migrant, racial, and sexual others. As SWS’s Call to Action articulates, the recent U.S. Supreme Court decision overturning the federal right to abortion also highlights the importance of bringing a reproductive justice framework to consider the collective dimension of reproductive matters. We must attend to forms of gender-based violence; sexual, racial, and ethnic hierarchies; immigration status; economic precarities; and religious norms in the criminalizing of abortion. Our theme pays particular attention to women and gender minorities of color from the Global South and the Global North.

Important questions to be addressed include: To what extent is sexual identity a push factor leading to migration from one’s home nation? How might sexual practices vary with migration? How has migration shaped sexualities and gender identities?  How can we understand the stigmas about sexual behavior for those coming to North America from nations with high rates of HIV/AIDS, such as Southern Africa and Haiti? How do we understand the development of the global sex industry and those engaged as voluntary sex workers as well as those who are trafficked? What do recent wars reveal about sexual assault and displacement of individuals? What are the issues of global reproductive justice that we are currently facing? To begin to answer these questions, a focus on intersectional identities is crucial. Those who experience minoritized statuses based on their race, ethnicity, sexuality, age, gender identity, social class, disability, and religion, as well as other identities, will experience migration differently than those from the mainstream/majority populations.

We are accepting proposals based on the theme of Sexualities and Migrations in the Context of Global Injustice:

-Individual Papers for Panel Consideration

-Panels

-Workshops

-Book Salons (preference of books published in 2021 and 2022)

-Roundtables

-Poster Sessions

-Open format:

  • Photo essays
  • Poetry, theatre, scripts
  • Art
  • Film/documentaries
  • Media and Literary Criticisms
  • Other

We welcome expressions of interest to serve as a Moderator as well.

SWS Request for Proposals for Organizational Intersectional Diversity, Inclusivity, and Equity Assessment – September 19, 2022 Deadline

ORGANIZATIONAL INTERSECTIONAL DIVERSITY, INCLUSIVITY, AND EQUITY ASSESSMENT

Request for Proposals, Released on July 29, 2022

Summer 2022

Sociologists for Women in Society (SWS) invites interested and qualified consultants or firms to submit a proposal to conduct an organization-wide intersectional diversity, inclusivity, and equity assessment on race, ethnicity, nationality, gender, sexuality, age, socioeconomic status, and bodily abilities and to develop an implementation plan to enhance (or improve) our diversity, inclusivity and equity. SWS is committed to diversity, inclusivity, and equity throughout organizational policies, program, processes, systems, communications, and community partnerships, evidenced in our mission statement. We seek guidance on how we can best practice the ideals we aspire to embody.

Organizational Overview: SWS is a feminist professional organization dedicated to transforming the academy and professional organizations, including our own, by actively supporting feminist leadership and advancing career development of feminist scholars. The organization was founded in 1971 by a group of academic feminist scholars who had the prescient belief that feminist sociologists needed a “professional home” to promote and solidify the leadership and scholarship of academic women within the profession. The founding of SWS was influenced by the women’s movement of that time, and thus focused on elevating women scholars. As a nonprofit organization, SWS provided a home to women scholars, many of whom were marginalized within their departments and within the broader sociological landscape. Members grew great strength from the scholarly and emotional support of their SWS colleagues.

Over time, SWS has become more explicit in its intersectional framing of its mission and goals, and has more deliberately welcomed, honored, and supported the diversity of its membership. Through this time, there have been several strategic planning processes, with several objectives: supporting members to find ways to better combine our activist and academic lives, increasing the size and diversity of the membership, encouraging more active participation by members, and promoting social justice in and outside of the academy.

Despite these strategic planning initiatives, to our knowledge, there has never been a formal assessment of the organization’s progress in achieving diversity, equity, and inclusion within its leadership structure, opportunities provided to members, or efforts to support members to bring a diversity, equity, and inclusion framework in their work both in academia as well as in applied settings.

SWS  is eager to identify the strengths and challenges we face regarding the extent to which we have implemented our goal of intersectional diversity, inclusivity, and equity based on race, ethnicity, nationality, gender, sexuality, socioeconomic status, and bodily abilities. We invite individuals and/or organizations to propose a design for this endeavor that will provide an organizational-wide assessment of where we are, where we want to be, and to develop strategies to get there. This deliverable should be detailed in its analysis and should offer perspective from members at all levels of the organization to consider the progress that SWS has made in achieving its goals of equity and inclusion, with a focus on areas for improvement.

Scope and Deliverables: The consultant will be tasked with laying the foundation and framework for long-term change in all SWS programming and leadership through the following work:

  • Intersectional Diversity, Inclusivity, and Equity Assessment: Conduct an assessment to capture the organizational climate as it relates to the goal of centering all forms of oppression. The assessment should engage key stakeholders (both internal and external, former and current) to the organization, such as Council      Members, Committee Chairs and Elected Committee Members, New Members, Continuing Members, Lifetime Members and Community Partners (such as leaders of other non-profit organizations and meeting guests). Specific elements of the assessment shall include, but not be limited to:
    • Organizational culture and structure
    • Organizational policy, procedures, and decision making
    • Programmatic planning and approaches
    • Community partnerships
    • Membership Relations and Opportunities for Involvement
  • Implementation Plan: Based on the assessment results, the consultant will create a summary report and an intersectional diversity, inclusivity, and equity     work plan that captures desired processes and outcomes. The work plan will include recommendations for incorporating action steps, timelines, quantitative and qualitative goals to improve operational and programmatic approaches to promote diversity, inclusivity, and equity in all operations and programming.

Consultant’s Qualifications: The following qualifications are important in the selection process:

  • Experience developing intersectional diversity, inclusivity and equity implementation plans within academic, activist, and/or feminist nonprofit organizations.
  • Respected and endorsed experience leading with an intersectional lens in addressing all forms of systemic oppressions, and helping to move institutions to become more diverse, inclusive and equitable organizations.
  • Experience supporting staff (those in leadership roles, and members at varying levels of exposure, comfort and buy-in) and helping folks navigate discomfort while still centering diversity, inclusion, and equity.
  • Experience working with communities most impacted by intersecting forms of oppression.
  • Prioritization of qualified consultants, who have a strong understanding of the intersections of history of oppressions faced by marginalized and minoritized communities.

Proposal Request and Review Process: This request for proposals is a two-part process, as follows:

  • All interested consultants must submit a brief written proposal no more than 5-6 pages
  • Selected applicants will be invited to interview with a team of SWS stakeholders where key leaders will ask questions related to the proposal

The proposal must address the following:

  • A brief description of your approach to supporting SWS in assessing and operationalizing diversity, equity, and inclusion.
  • Statement of your (firm’s) qualifications related to this RFP, a short biography of evaluators, and an explanation as to why your evaluation experience and social positions make you a good candidate to conduct this type of evaluation for an organization like SWS.
  • Overarching assessment topics, including questions, process, and methods
  • Assessment Process to include:
    • Sample topics and questions with overarching plan for data collection methods and strategies, rationale for your approach and plans for data assessment.
    • Expected deliverables include summary of findings, and framing of an implementation plan which incorporates indicators of success and goals for future tracking and assessment
  • Budget & timeline to produce an assessment within 12 months of the contractual date.

Submission Instructions:

Please submit a proposal no later than 5:00 EDT, September 19, 2022.

Submit proposal to Barret Katuna, SWS Executive Officer, at swseo.barretkatuna@outlook.com as a single PDF document. Feel free to direct any questions to Barret Katuna.

Thank you to Mindy Fried and Andres Lopez for their assistance in drafting this RFP. 

 

PostedPDFRFPJuly29.22

PostedDOCRFPJuly29.22

SWS Call to Action Opposing the Supreme Court decision Overturning the Federal Right to Abortion

SWS Call to Action Opposing the Supreme Court decision Overturning the Federal Right to Abortion

July 20, 2022

SWS unequivocally opposes the SCOTUS decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization which overturned the federal right to abortion that was held in Roe. v. Wade. Because we understand the urgent need to take action and get involved in our communities as resistance to this regressive turn of events regarding reproductive justice, we are sharing this information as a working document that will continue to evolve as the situation changes and more resources are gathered.

We encourage you to take action!

As a feminist organization striving to put intersectionality and transnationalism in practice, SWS opposes the decision to overrule the federal right to abortion for the following reasons:

  • This is about Reproductive Justice. A Reproductive Justice approach underscores that reproductive matters are not only related to pregnancies, abortions or family planning, but intrinsically linked to broader social, cultural, political and economic structures and practices. Specifically, as Sister Song states, Reproductive Justice is “the human right to maintain personal bodily autonomy, have children, not have children, and parent the children we have in safe and sustainable communities.” This frame helps us best understand the implications and consequences of this moment locally, regionally, nationally and internationally. Historically, the frame of Reproductive Justice is rooted in Black feminism, human rights, and intersectionality in the United States. In other countries a similar frame has been applied, emphasizing its collective dimension (as opposed to an individualistic approach) on matters of gendered economic precarity and violence, long-standing racial and ethnic hierarchies, religious dictates, heteropatriarchy, various related forms of gender-based violence, and the clearly unequal impact of the criminalization of abortion.[1]
  • This is not only about choice. It is about people’s “right to lead self-determined lives.” All people who may have the ability to be pregnant should have the freedom to manage their own lives and the quality thereof. Not to be able to decide whether to have an abortion is equivalent to not being able to make decisions about our own selves. The prohibition of abortion limits the fundamental right to self-determination. Moreover, both self-determination and choice are influenced by the structure of our society, which is deeply unequal by design, as many sociologists and activists of color have emphasized for years. Consequently, we must keep in mind that “there is no choice where there is no access” (Sister Song).
  • Unequal access will be deepened. Mostly white, economically advantaged people will be able to travel to other states, afford accommodations, have access to time off from work (increasingly necessary with waiting periods), and are more likely to be able to draw on friends or family to escort them, whereas others will not. Recent data, collected in advance of the overturning of Roe, show that lack of local access to abortion intensifies racial and economic inequality[2] and poses further compounding obstacles such as the need to take time off for work and to fund travel expenses for up to two trips at times for states that have a two visit requirement.[3] The short of it is that Black people and people of color, especially those economically disadvantaged, will be most negatively affected by this rollback. Indeed, similar kinds of intersecting inequalities are what pushed the “Green Tide” (Marea Verde) reproductive justice activists in Latin America to demand “free, legal and safe abortions for all” because “the right to abortion was considered inseparable from the demand that it be guaranteed in the public health care system.”[4]
  • Forced pregnancies will follow. States are now effectively forcing pregnancies in the United States. Thirteen states have enacted their “trigger laws” and 13 more are maneuvering to outlaw abortion entirely or with very rare exceptions. That means in most US states, it will soon be illegal to seek a medical or surgical abortion. This also will result in increased surveillance and criminalization of miscarriages, even those resulting from intended pregnancies.
  • Abortion IS healthcare. Why? Because pregnancy is risky, far more dangerous in fact than safe, legal abortion. For example, statistics reveal non-Hispanic Black women facing maternal mortality at 2.9% times the rate of non-Hispanic white women.[5] It is in these instances and more that overturning Roe denies people with uteruses life-saving healthcare and self-determined choices.
  • Criminalizing abortion does not mean that abortions will stop. Some states have already reverted to their pre-Roe statutes when abortion was a crime. Abortion has and will continue to be one strategy to manage one’s reproductive lifecycle. By leaving the legality of abortion up to individual states, criminalization of those seeking, referring, or performing abortions will be expanded. This criminalization will be exacerbated for people who face pre-existing criminal justice supervision (e.g., pregnant/reproductive health concerns for people on probation, currently incarcerated, on parole, , etc.). The criminalization of abortion is especially deadly for (1) people with at-risk pregnancies and compromised health (i.e., Black women are likelier to die in childbirth comparably); (2) people who attempt dangerous abortion options out of desperation because they are unable to legally access medications that help people safely self-manage abortion from the comfort of home; (3) women in abusive partnerships who are more likely to be killed by their partners when pregnant and also stay with abusive partners; and 4) those who would take to suicides because they see no way out.[6]
  • This is also about historic inequalities. Reproductive Justice helps us link the history of indigenous, Afro-descendant, migrant and other marginalized and minoritized women being controlled, marketed, auctioned, and/or used for breeding, as well as being used as objects for gynecological experimenting, and/or forced sterilization to today’s movement to eradicate bodily autonomy. These efforts affect all people who desire the privacy to make decisions about their bodies but are confronted with the reality that bodies are sites of public, governmental and political contestation.[7]
  • There are wider implications. As indicated in Justice Thomas’ concurrence, rulings around contraception (Griswold), same sex relationships (Obergefell) among others are at risk for being challenged and overturned. This has implications for everyone in the U.S. and beyond.
  • This decision has a global impact. Given the dominant position of the United States, other countries will be affected by this conservative turn economically, politically and culturally. For example, restrictive reproductive policies in the U.S. affect international funding supporting reproductive justice causes in other countries. Moreover, political decisions in the U.S. are used as examples of what can or should be (or not). In this case, right wing politics elsewhere will find respite in such a conservative turn of affairs. Therefore, it is important to keep in mind that alliances across geographical borders can be fundamental to strategize action for reproductive justice and other intersectional gender related matters.[8]

Strategic Action is Urgent and Necessary

These are some ideas and resources for people to take action in opposition to the overruling of the federal right to abortion, but please keep in mind your digital security level and how increasing it can protect you and people seeking abortions or advocating for abortion access:

Please, help us improve our list of actions and resources by filling out this form here. Erin Baker-Giese, SWS Media Relations Committee Chair, is compiling a comprehensive social media package to share information about resources, experts, and images that can be used.

If you’re interested in further organizing, please contact Kris De Welde (deweldek@cofc.edu) and Heather Hlavka (heather.hlavka@marquette.edu), Co-Chairs of the SWS Social Action Committee.

Special thanks to everyone who contributed to this Call to Action:

Erin Baker-Giese

Pallavi Banerjee

Andrea S. Boyles

Wendy Christensen

Kris De Welde

Melanie Heath

Esther Hernández-Medina

Heather Hlavka

Barret Katuna

Zakiya Luna

Mignon R. Moore

Mary Osirim

Roberta Villalón

[1] See SisterSong at https://www.sistersong.net/reproductive-justice; Reproductive Rights as Human Rights: Women of Color and the Fight for Reproductive Justice. (https://nyupress.org/9781479831296/reproductive-rights-as-human-rights/); and Abortion and Democracy: Contentious Body Politics in Argentina, Chile and Uruguay (https://www.routledge.com/Abortion-and-Democracy-Contentious-Body-Politics-in-Argentina-Chile-and/Sutton-Vacarezza/p/book/9780367529413).

[2] Cohen (2022). “Abortion and Women of Color: The Bigger Picture.” Guttmacher Policy Review 11(3).    https://www.guttmacher.org/gpr/2008/08/abortion-and-women-color-bigger-picture

[3] Berak and Jones (2022). “Cross-state Travel for Abortion Care.” The Lancet Regional Health – Americas. Vol 10 (https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2667193X22000473?via%3Dihub)

[4] See Gago, “What Latin American feminists can teach American women about the abortion fight” (May 10, 2022), The Guardian https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/may/10/abortion-roe-v-wade-latin-america and also Chang, Mehta and Kenin, “What the U.S. can learn from abortion rights wins in Latin America” (July 7, 2020), NPR (https://www.npr.org/2022/07/07/1110123695/abortion-roe-latin-america-green-wave)

[5] Harris (2022). “Black Mothers Are Dying. Here’s How We Stop It.” (May 27, 2022), Ms. Magazine   https://msmagazine.com/2022/05/27/black-women-dying-childbirth-maternal-mortality/

[6] See Interrupting Criminalization site to learn about the links between abortion criminalization and broader policing (https://www.interruptingcriminalization.com/decriminalize-abortion) and also CDC information about abortion surveillance (https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/70/ss/ss7009a1.htm#T7_down)

[7] See Dorothy Roberts Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction and the Meaning of Liberty (https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/155575/killing-the-black-body-by-dorothy-roberts/)

[8] See for example, comparison of abortion laws worldwide, https://www.cfr.org/article/abortion-law-global-comparisons, and https://reproductiverights.org/maps/worlds-abortion-laws/, and information about the green tide in Latin America:  https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/impact/2019/08/the-green-wave/

 

PDF PostedFinalCallToActionOverturningRoe.7_20_22

WORD DOC PostedFinalCallToActionOverturningRoe.7_20_22

The Latin+ Feminist Sociology Collective Launches its site!  

The Latin+ Feminist Sociology Collective Launches its site!  

https://www.latinplusfeministcollective.org

The Latin+ Feminist Sociology Collective launched its own website (www.latinplusfeministcollective.org) on July 1, 2022. The Latin+ Feminist Sociology Collective was created in 2020 by Drs. Erika Busse-Cardenas, Nancy López, Verónica Montes, and Roberta Villalón in the context of the Sociologists for Women in Society 2020 Winter Meeting as a community group. Since then, the Collective has been offering workshops and virtual gatherings, and dozens of Latin+ feminists joined enthusiastically, emphasizing the pressing need of building this community. 

The Latin+ Feminist Sociology Collective is a space to share, validate, reflect, and coproduce knowledge for liberation about being a critically conscious Latin+ Feminist Scholar in the Global North. The Collective is guided by our ethical and political commitments to a Latin+ antiracist intersectional feminist liberatory praxis that acknowledges the heterogeneity of our lived experiences and the legacies of the Latin American and Caribbean diaspora. Intersectionality as inquiry and praxis is a fundamental pillar of our collective because it departs from the premise that systems of oppression/resistance are imbricated, simultaneous and overlapping (white supremacy, heteropatriarchy, capitalism, nativism, etc.). It also acknowledges that we are all implicated in these systems through our intersectional social locations in grids of power, positionalities through our ethical and political commitments as well as our experiences and narratives of identities or stories we tell about our Latin+ communities in the Global North and beyond. 

Accordingly, the Collective cultivates convergence spaces for conversation, coexistence, reflection, accompaniment, and flexible solidarity as essential to its praxis. Moreover, it follows a set of basic agreements to build a safe space including mutual respect, inclusivity, constructiveness, openness, commitment, and multilingualism. Regarding the latter, it has so far utilized English, Spanish and Portuguese in its gatherings, documents and communications, but is open to include as many languages as necessary by providing as much interpretation and translations as possible to ensure mutual comprehension. Simultaneously, the Collective acknowledges that its physical location and the geopolitical, educational and cultural legacies of migrations in the United States and the Global North has resulted in the use of English as lingua franca, which is the reason why its site is mostly written in that language while including Spanish and Portuguese versions of some but not all content.  

Borrowing from the terminology developed by non-binary social movements (from LGB to LGBTQIA+), the Collective adopts the term “Latin+” using the plus sign as a means to highlight its commitment to intersectional inquiry and praxis that centers the simultaneity and co-constructed nature of systems of oppression/resistance. The Collective is committed to cultivating flexible solidarity and alliances across geopolitical and sociocultural borders and boundaries and embrace our difference in race, gender, class, sexuality, age, ability and other as part of our intersectional praxis. By utilizing the term Latin+, the Collective attempts to commit to on-going critical reflexivity and work toward praxis (action and reflection) that strives to overcome the paralysis that confrontations about the variations Latin@, Latine, and Latinx have brought. It believes that the term Latin+ can help the Collective be more inclusive and inviting, while also implying a literally positive turn given that plus means addition, development, multiplicity and incorporation.

The Latin+ Feminist Sociology Collective has developed several initiatives reflecting the needs and interests that emerged in our various workshops and monthly gatherings: 

  • Latin+ Feminist Blog
  • Latin+ Feminist Podcast
  • Build on Latin+ Feminist Scholars
  • Latin+ Feminist Scholars Speakers
  • Counter-hegemonic Pedagogical Tools

You can learn more about the Collective and its initiatives at its newly launched site: www.latinplusfeministcollective.org and of course, by joining its future virtual monthly gatherings and workshops at the upcoming SWS Summer Meeting.  

SWS Response Opposing the Supreme Court Decision Overturning the Federal Right to Abortion – Call To Action

 

SWS Call to Action Opposing the Supreme Court decision Overturning the Federal Right to Abortion  

Revised on August 3, 2022

SWS unequivocally opposes the SCOTUS decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization which overturned the federal right to abortion that was held in Roe. v. Wade. Because we understand the urgent need to take action and get involved in our communities as resistance to this regressive turn of events regarding reproductive justice, we are sharing this information as a working document that will continue to evolve as the situation changes and more resources are gathered.

We encourage you to take action!

As a feminist organization striving to put intersectionality and transnationalism in practice, SWS opposes the decision to overrule the federal right to abortion for the following reasons:

  • This is about Reproductive Justice. A Reproductive Justice approach underscores that reproductive matters are not only related to pregnancies, abortions or family planning, but intrinsically linked to broader social, cultural, political and economic structures and practices. Specifically, as Sister Song states, Reproductive Justice is “the human right to maintain personal bodily autonomy, have children, not have children, and parent the children we have in safe and sustainable communities.” This frame helps us best understand the implications and consequences of this moment locally, regionally, nationally and internationally. Historically, the frame of Reproductive Justice is rooted in Black feminism, human rights, and intersectionality in the United States. In other countries a similar frame has been applied, emphasizing its collective dimension (as opposed to an individualistic approach) on matters of gendered economic precarity and violence, long-standing racial and ethnic hierarchies, religious dictates, heteropatriarchy, various related forms of gender-based violence, and the clearly unequal impact of the criminalization of abortion.[1]
  • This is not only about choice. It is about people’s “right to lead self-determined lives.” All people who may have the ability to be pregnant should have the freedom to manage their own lives and the quality thereof. Not to be able to decide whether to have an abortion is equivalent to not being able to make decisions about our own selves. The prohibition of abortion limits the fundamental right to self-determination. Moreover, both self-determination and choice are influenced by the structure of our society, which is deeply unequal by design, as many sociologists and activists of color have emphasized for years. Consequently, we must keep in mind that “there is no choice where there is no access” (Sister Song).
  • Unequal access will be deepened. Mostly white, economically advantaged people will be able to travel to other states, afford accommodations, have access to time off from work (increasingly necessary with waiting periods), and are more likely to be able to draw on friends or family to escort them, whereas others will not. Recent data, collected in advance of the overturning of Roe, show that lack of local access to abortion intensifies racial and economic inequality[2] and poses further compounding obstacles such as the need to take time off for work and to fund travel expenses for up to two trips at times for states that have a two visit requirement.[3] The short of it is that Black people and people of color, especially those economically disadvantaged, will be most negatively affected by this rollback. Indeed, similar kinds of intersecting inequalities are what pushed the “Green Tide” (Marea Verde) reproductive justice activists in Latin America to demand “free, legal and safe abortions for all” because “the right to abortion was considered inseparable from the demand that it be guaranteed in the public health care system.”[4]
  • Forced pregnancies will follow. States are now effectively forcing pregnancies in the United States. Thirteen states have enacted their “trigger laws” and 13 more are maneuvering to outlaw abortion entirely or with very rare exceptions. That means in most US states, it will soon be illegal to seek a medication or procedureal abortion. This also will result in increased surveillance and criminalization of miscarriages, even those resulting from intended pregnancies.
  • Abortion IS healthcare. Why? Because pregnancy is risky, far more dangerous in fact than safe, legal abortion. For example, statistics reveal non-Hispanic Black women facing maternal mortality at 2.9% times the rate of non-Hispanic white women.[5] It is in these instances and more that overturning Roe denies people with uteruses life-saving healthcare and self-determined choices.
  • Criminalizing abortion does not mean that abortions will stop. Some states have already reverted to their pre-Roe statutes when abortion was a crime. Abortion has and will continue to be one strategy to manage one’s reproductive lifecycle. By leaving the legality of abortion up to individual states, criminalization of those seeking, referring, or performing abortions will be expanded. This criminalization will be exacerbated for people who face pre-existing criminal justice supervision (e.g., pregnant/reproductive health concerns for people on probation, currently incarcerated, on parole, , etc.). The criminalization of abortion is especially deadly for (1) people with at-risk pregnancies and compromised health (i.e., Black women are likelier to die in childbirth comparably); (2) people who attempt dangerous abortion options out of desperation because they are unable to legally access medications that help people safely self-manage abortion from the comfort of home; (3) women in abusive partnerships who are more likely to be killed by their partners when pregnant and also stay with abusive partners; and 4) those who would take to suicides because they see no way out.[6]
  • This is also about historic inequalities. Reproductive Justice helps us link the history of indigenous, Afro-descendant, migrant and other marginalized and minoritized women being controlled, marketed, auctioned, and/or used for breeding, as well as being used as objects for gynecological experimenting, and/or forced sterilization to today’s movement to eradicate bodily autonomy. These efforts affect all people who desire the privacy to make decisions about their bodies but are confronted with the reality that bodies are sites of public, governmental and political contestation.[7]
  • There are wider implications. As indicated in Justice Thomas’ concurrence, rulings around contraception (Griswold), same sex relationships (Obergefell) among others are at risk for being challenged and overturned. This has implications for everyone in the U.S. and beyond.
  • This decision has a global impact. Given the dominant position of the United States, other countries will be affected by this conservative turn economically, politically and culturally. For example, restrictive reproductive policies in the U.S. affect international funding supporting reproductive justice causes in other countries. Moreover, political decisions in the U.S. are used as examples of what can or should be (or not). In this case, right wing politics elsewhere will find respite in such a conservative turn of affairs. Therefore, it is important to keep in mind that alliances across geographical borders can be fundamental to strategize action for reproductive justice and other intersectional gender related matters.[8]

Strategic Action is Urgent and Necessary

These are some ideas and resources for people to take action in opposition to the overruling of the federal right to abortion, but please keep in mind your digital security level and how increasing it can protect you and people seeking abortions or advocating for abortion access:

Please, help us improve our list of actions and resources by filling out this form here. Erin Baker-Giese, SWS Media Relations Committee Chair, is compiling a comprehensive social media package to share information about resources, experts, and images that can be used.

If you’re interested in further organizing, please contact Kris De Welde (deweldek@cofc.edu) and Heather Hlavka (heather.hlavka@marquette.edu), Co-Chairs of the SWS Social Action Committee.

Special thanks to everyone who contributed to this Call to Action:

Erin Baker-Giese

Pallavi Banerjee

Andrea S. Boyles

Wendy Christensen

Kris De Welde

Melanie Heath

Esther Hernández-Medina

Heather Hlavka

Barret Katuna

Katrina Kimport

Zakiya Luna

Mignon R. Moore

Mary Osirim

Roberta Villalón

 

[1] See SisterSong at https://www.sistersong.net/reproductive-justice; Reproductive Rights as Human Rights: Women of Color and the Fight for Reproductive Justice. (https://nyupress.org/9781479831296/reproductive-rights-as-human-rights/); and Abortion and Democracy: Contentious Body Politics in Argentina, Chile and Uruguay (https://www.routledge.com/Abortion-and-Democracy-Contentious-Body-Politics-in-Argentina-Chile-and/Sutton-Vacarezza/p/book/9780367529413).

[2] Cohen (2022). “Abortion and Women of Color: The Bigger Picture.” Guttmacher Policy Review 11(3).    https://www.guttmacher.org/gpr/2008/08/abortion-and-women-color-bigger-picture

[3] Berak and Jones (2022). “Cross-state Travel for Abortion Care.” The Lancet Regional Health – Americas. Vol 10 (https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2667193X22000473?via%3Dihub)

[4] See Gago, “What Latin American feminists can teach American women about the abortion fight” (May 10, 2022), The Guardian https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/may/10/abortion-roe-v-wade-latin-america and also Chang, Mehta and Kenin, “What the U.S. can learn from abortion rights wins in Latin America” (July 7, 2020), NPR (https://www.npr.org/2022/07/07/1110123695/abortion-roe-latin-america-green-wave)

[5] Harris (2022). “Black Mothers Are Dying. Here’s How We Stop It.” (May 27, 2022), Ms. Magazine   https://msmagazine.com/2022/05/27/black-women-dying-childbirth-maternal-mortality/

[6] See Interrupting Criminalization site to learn about the links between abortion criminalization and broader policing (https://www.interruptingcriminalization.com/decriminalize-abortion) and also CDC information about abortion surveillance (https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/70/ss/ss7009a1.htm#T7_down)

[7] See Dorothy Roberts Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction and the Meaning of Liberty (https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/155575/killing-the-black-body-by-dorothy-roberts/)

[8] See for example, comparison of abortion laws worldwide, https://www.cfr.org/article/abortion-law-global-comparisons, and https://reproductiverights.org/maps/worlds-abortion-laws/, and information about the green tide in Latin America:  https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/impact/2019/08/the-green-wave/

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Message to Membership on June 27, 2022

Dear SWSers,

The United States’ Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade is undoubtedly a major regression in the history of this country as well as women’s, gender, reproductive and human rights’ movements as a whole. It is also a very concrete example of the power that the right wing has been gathering in the last decade or so. As feminists, we know that our action and commitment has become even more necessary if we want to resist the reversal of decades of activism to ensure self-determination regarding reproductive as well as other fundamental rights. Moreover, we know that for our feminist politics to be relevant, we must take on an intersectional approach to emphasize that reproductive justice is entangled with sexual, ethnoracial and class regimes as well as other systemic oppressions like ableism and religious ideologies countering science and autonomy. Similarly, we know that our feminist action must rely on a transnational perspective to contextualize national experiences, learn from similar processes elsewhere and form alliances across borders to strengthen our movement for abortion and reproductive justice.

In recognition of the complexity of this moment, SWS leadership is gathering information to put out not just a statement but a call for action and thinking about how SWS can play a role to provide support to those most impacted by this recent news.

We invite you to fill out this form if you’d like to be included in our listing of reproductive justice experts to be showcased on our website:

https://sws.memberclicks.net/sws-expert-database

We also invite you to send us relevant information on this topic, especially action-oriented initiatives and services offered for people now living in states where abortion is now or soon will be illegal.  All SWS Committees are welcome to share ideas to put together our organization’s statement, call for action and resource page.

In the meantime, President Roberta Villalón, is organizing an “emergency plenary” for the SWS 2022 Summer Meeting devoted to analyzing the current situation as well as strategize collective action which will include our own feminist reproductive justice experts and built-in time to brainstorm concrete ways to contribute with the reversal of this pathetic retrograde wave. Co-Presidents-Elect, Mary Osirim and Melanie Heath are actively thinking about how the programming of the SWS 2023 Winter Meeting scheduled for January 2023 in New Orleans, Louisiana–one of the states where abortion is now forbidden– can address this matter in support of reproductive justice.

We trust that with your participation, SWS will raise a strong, intersectional, and transnational voice on reproductive justice.  Please stay tuned for updates and share your thoughts!

In solidarity,

SWS Leadership

2022 ASA Election Results – Congratulations to SWS Members Elected to Serve – Joya Misra, ASA President-Elect and Jennifer Reich, ASA Vice President-Elect

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Congratulations to all of the SWS Members who were recently elected to serve in leadership roles for the American Sociological Association!

Joya Misra (left), President-Elect and Jennifer Reich (right), Vice President-Elect

View all the results here.

Joya Misra, President-ElectJennifer Reich, Vice President-ElectBarret Katuna, Committee on Committees Tey Meadow, Committee on Committees Smitha Radhakrishnan, Committee on Committees Georgiann Davis, Council Member-at-Large Lorena Garcia, Council Member-at-Large Zakiya Luna, Council Members-at-Large Victoria Reyes, Council Members-at-Large Elizabeth A. Armstrong, Publications Committee

 

SWS: United Against All Wars. For an Intersectional and Global Solidarity

SWS: United Against All Wars. For an Intersectional and Global Solidarity

As an organization of intersectional feminist sociologists caring for international matters, SWS wholeheartedly supports the position statement and call for action developed by FG DeKolonial e.V. – association for antiracist, postcolonial, and decolonial thought and practice – regarding the Ukraine War, in recognition of the historical gendered dynamics of military conflict including the systematic use of sexual violence and revictimization of marginalized populations, and the multiple groups that have experienced genocide besides the ones mentioned below, like the Yazidi people in Northen Iraq and the Rohunga people in Myanmar:

United Against All Wars. For an Intersectional and Global Solidarity

UNITED AGAINST ALL WARS!

FOR AN INTERSECTIONAL AND GLOBAL SOLIDARITY

With the Russian government’s military attack on Ukraine, a new war has been raging since February 24, 2022, intensifying day by day, endangering millions of people and forcing them to seek refuge.

We stand in solidarity with the people who have to endure war, with those who have to flee, and with the courageous demonstrators in Russia and Belarus who, despite harsh restrictions and violent interventions, have not remained silent, and took to the streets to criticize their government’s decision to declare war on Ukraine.

The worldwide outcry that this war causes is indispensable. In addition to our unconditional solidarity with the people in Ukraine affected by this aggressive war, our solidarity is also with all those people who endure war but hardly ever receive such global media attention, and who are exposed to ongoing violence in the shadow of the current events, as is the case with the civilian populations in Tigray, Afghanistan, Syria and Yemen, but also with the Armenians in Artsakh, attacked by Azerbaijan, the Kurds in Afrin, bombed by Turkey, and the genocide-affected Uyghur population in China, whose right to life, and to self-determination is fundamentally under attack.

Following the multiple interventions by communities of color and antiracist initiatives, we too want to express our concern about the growing racist and racializing divisions. It is with great concern and deep sadness that we observe how especially Black people, Romani people, and Refugees of Color have to face racism and racial discrimination. We condemn how Black people, Romani people and People of Color who have fled the war in Ukraine are being treated at border controls: This is racial profiling!

Meanwhile, the construction of an illiberal and undemocratic „East“, in contrast to the image of a peace-loving West-European self-presentation, is reflected in newly inflamed anti-Slavic, anti-Russian and anti-Ukrainian hostility and discrimination in the everyday experiences of these people in the West, which urgently needs to be addressed from an antiracist perspective. The fact that people fleeing the Ukraine are imagined as „white“, and generalized and homogenized within a collective subjectivity, loses sight of various forms of racism and anti-Semitism in Ukraine, which many Ukrainians are also confronted with as Jews, Muslims and Romani people.

At the same time, People of Color are prevented from fleeing and structurally excluded from humanitarian aid, contrary to all pro-Ukrainian declarations of solidarity and debureaucratized EU refugee policies that insist on ‚humanity‘. This practice is supported by a racialized dichotomic policy which differentiates between ‚European neighbors in need of help‘ as legitimate refugees, and ’normal refugees‘, ‚illegal migrants‘ and stateless minorities, who for generations have been and still are part of the different countries – a narrative that increasingly appears these days in media coverages. In short, the colonial and racist structure of European migration and citizenship policies are once again manifesting themselves in well-known cruelty, as is particularly evident in the forced immobilization of refugees, and vulnerable groups in Libya and Afghanistan, for example.

On the macroeconomic level, the legitimization of militarization, and liberalization of the arms trade, from which German corporations particularly profit, is experiencing a new upswing. After years of international inaction against Russia’s policy of aggression against Ukraine, which already began with the annexation of the Crimea and the occupation of parts of the Donbass in 2014, the now hastily adopted sanctions will lead not only to the further impoverishment of a large part of the Russian population, but also to the precarization of already marginalized groups and states in the Global South. This underscores the need for a long-term global and postcolonial perspective on the current war in order to rethink policy instruments against wars with regard to their effectiveness and paradoxes. The global dimension of this war is all the more evident in the currently constructed scenario of a nuclear threat, and the politically and ecologically disastrous dependence on fossil fuels.

Imperialist wars must be clearly named as such – in this and all other cases – and analyzed and criticized by considering overlapping global asymmetries, in order to enable effective forms of solidarity and peace policy.

In this sense, our solidarity must be practical and intersectional. Much needs to be done to work towards the safety of Black people, Romani people and People of Color as they seek refuge – in the current conflict as well as in any other. Special attention must be paid to multiply-discriminated and particularly vulnerable groups, especially LGBTIQA+ communities, queer People of Color, Black and Romani people, Jewish and Muslim people living in Europe, and people with dis_abilities. Finally, it is important to keep in mind that fleeing the war, any war, also depends on gender. Cis men as well as trans* people are being conscripted into the military, and exposed to the traumas of war without any attention to their fundamental right to bodily integrity and sexual self-determination.

We stand for an intersectional solidarity that applies to all people in Ukraine, to all refugees, and all those fleeing from Ukraine, to all refugees from other violent conflicts in the world, and to all people and communities in Europe, and around the world whose daily experiences of violence do not receive international attention.

We oppose all wars, and we demand a global peace from which all people in the world as well as the environment can benefit, and in which all can prosper.

Solidarity must be intersectional and global!

#AllRefugeeLivesMatter

#StopWarEverywhere

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SWS Distinguished Feminist Lecturer Awardee, Dr. Katie Acosta, to give Campus Visit Talk at Carroll College on Thursday, April 7, at 7:00 pm MDT – Zoom Link Available

SWS Distinguished Feminist Lecturer Awardee, Dr. Katie Acosta, to give Campus Visit Talk at Carroll College on Thursday, April 7, at 7:00 pm MDT.

Click HERE to learn more about how to access the Zoom Link. The event is free and open to the public.

Click HERE to learn more about Dr. Katie Acosta, the 2020 SWS Distinguished Feminist Lecturer Award Winner.

 

SWS Feminist Intersections Podcast Call for Guests

SWS Feminist Intersections Podcast Call for Guests

The SWS Feminist Intersections Podcast is a collaboration between the Media Relations and Social Action Committees. Our goal for the podcast is to share SWS members’ activism and research with each other and the broader public. You can listen to our first episode on most Podcast services, or here on Buzzsprout.

We are currently looking for guests to be featured in our 2022 episodes. Our theme for the year is aligned with the 2022 winter meeting theme: “Rethinking Feminist Sociologies in the Era of Global Pandemics.” If your work is in conversation with this theme – directly or indirectly – we want to hear from you! We want to feature activism, community work, applied sociology, and research in our episodes.

Our podcast will be released once monthly, beginning in March. We are currently looking for a minimum of 8 guests.

Who are you looking for?

We are looking for folks who…

  • are current members of SWS
  • are willing to participate in other forms of SWS social media (such as taking photos of recommended books for our Instagram or doing a short Q&A for our blog, etc.)
  • are available within the timeline of recordings
  • are engaged in research, applied sociology, community work, or activism related to the theme “Rethinking Feminist Sociologies in the Era of Global Pandemics.”

I’m in! What next?

If you are interested in being a guest on Feminist Intersections, please fill out this Google Form and we will reach out to you regarding scheduling and for more information.

How will you choose guests?

If we receive more responses than we have for episode availability, guests will be chosen based on their orientation to this year’s theme. If guests are not chosen for the first round of episodes, they will be placed on a list of potential guests for future episodes. There is a possibility that we will be able to record more than once a month and will be able to feature more SWS members. We ask that you bear with us as we learn the best way to feature guests through trial and error.

Please email SWS Media Relations Chair, Erin Baker erin.bakergiese@minotstateU.edu with any questions.

Social Actions Initiative Awards – Next Deadline is October 1, 2022 

Social Actions Initiative Awards – Next Deadline is October 1, 2022

Next Deadline is October 1, 2022

PDF of 2022 Flyer

Social Actions Initiative Awards

SWS FUNDS AVAILABLE!

Submit applications through the SWS Member Portal.

You do not need to be an SWS member to apply or nominate someone for these awards, but you need to use the portal. You will need to log in as a SWS Member or create a new account.

Current SWS members can apply for funding up to $1,000 to support broadly defined social action initiatives (e.g., advocacy, public education, organizing, movement-building).

Brought to you by the Social Action Committee of SWS. 
Two 2022 Funding Cycles.
Deadlines:

  • April 1st
  • October 1st

Learn more about the award and previous winners: https://socwomen.org/awards/social-actions-initiative-awards-2/

Questions? Contact Kris De Welde or Heather Hlavka (Social Action Committee Co-Chairs): deweldek@cofc.edu and heather.hlavka@marquette.edu

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Join or Renew Your SWS Membership: https://sws.memberclicks.net/2022membership

Request a 2022 Sponsored SWS Membership here: https://sws.memberclicks.net/request2022